Red Capitalism: The Fragile Financial Foundation of China's Extraordinary Rise

Red Capitalism: The Fragile Financial Foundation of China's Extraordinary Rise

Carl E. Walter

Language: English

Pages: 256

ISBN: 0470825863

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub


The truth behind the rise of China and whether or not it will be able to maintain it

How did China transform itself so quickly? In Red Capitalism: The Fragile Financial Foundation of China's Extraordinary Rise, Revised Edition Carl Walter and Fraser Howie go deep inside the Chinese financial machine to illuminate the social and political consequences of the unique business model that propelled China to economic powerhouse status, and question whether this rapid ascension really lives up to its reputation.

All eyes are on China, but will it really surpass the U.S. as the world's premier global economy? Walter and Howie aren't so certain, and in this revised and updated edition of Red Capitalism they examine whether or not the 21st century really will belong to China.

  • The specter of a powerful China is haunting the U.S. and other countries suffering from economic decline and this book explores China's next move
  • Packed with new statistics and stories based on recent developments, this new edition updates the outlook on China's future with the most cutting-edge information available
  • Find out how China financed its current position of strength and whether it will be able to maintain its astonishing momentum

Indispensable reading for anyone looking to understand the limits that China's past development decisions have imposed on its brilliant future, Red Capitalism is an essential resource for anyone considering China's business strategies in today's extremely challenging global economy.

The Party: The Secret World of China's Communist Rulers

I Curse the River of Time

The Tiananmen Papers: The Chinese Leadership's Decision to Use Force Against Their Own People in Their Own Words

The Communist Hypothesis

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MOF’s 1998 contribution remained in place. But, as will be discussed in Chapter 5, by this stage, Huijin belonged to the MOF, not to the PBOC. While, on the surface, things appeared to be consistent with the PBOC approach, in fact the entire structure of bank ownership had reverted to the status quo of the pre-reform era, with the MOF in control. Not only ownership was affected; the entire restructuring of problem-loan portfolios was different, as was the government’s attitude towards the

write-down of their value, would significantly impair the capital base of these banks and inevitably require yet another recapitalization exercise. THE “PERPETUAL PUT” OPTION TO THE PBOC This review of how the asset-management companies were used to resolve the problem-loan crisis in the banks highlights perhaps the most important part of the banking system: the perpetual “put” the PBOC has extended to the AMCs. In fact, this “put” extends beyond the AMCs to the entire financial system

instruction and support. When the Organization Department determines a bank CEO’s future, what can be expected? Despite the prolonged effort to reform the corporate-governance mechanism of the banks, can anyone believe that a bank’s board of directors is more representative of its controlling shareholder than its Party Committee? These banks are undeniably big, as they always were, but they are neither creative nor innovative. Their market capitalizations are the result of clever manipulation of

way to join the “emperor” in his palaces a top the walls is either through lineage, or by maximizing achievements within one’s own narrow grounds, or both. Then, of course, there may be some who prefer to stay within their own courtyards, pursuing their own interests. As the China Development Bank’s attempt to replace the Ministry of Finance in the bond markets and the tug-of-war between the MOF and the People’s Bank of China over control of the major banks have shown, there is a great deal of

began to form. This can only have been seen by the Party as a great success, but the National Team was also, in many ways, the gamechanger in China’s political economy. Endowed with great economic and political power, why should these huge state enterprises want a domestic (or international) regulator or any other government agency to have a significant influence over their operations? Would such corporations want China’s stock markets, including Hong Kong, to develop toward international

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